National identity refers to "the cultural definition of belonging and belonging to a nation" (Neiburg, 2015). It is essential to the functioning of societies, providing a sense of belonging and a shared culture within a nation. However many countries today can feel like they are losing this sense of national identity that is being challenged by political, social, and cultural changes. This essay explores the reasons for national identity crises, using the concept of "othering" and examining how immigration, political ideologies, and external pressures shape the debate. The cases of France, Iran, the United Kingdom and Senegal will be discussed to show how national identity is contested and in crisis. To push further this analysis, I will draw on Antonio Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony and Edward Said's work on "othering" to understand how dominant groups maintain their hold on national narratives while excluding certain populations.

Edward Said's book, Orientalism (1978), is indeed very useful for understanding how national identity crises develop in certain countries. He explains that Western identity is constructed by defining itself in opposition to an "Other," which is most often the Orient. This mechanism is not limited to the opposition between the West and the Orient; it sometimes also occurs within countries, when dominant groups protest against minorities in order to strengthen their own sense of identity (Said, 1994).

Gramsci's concept of cultural hegemony helps explain how national identity crises become increasingly intense. Gramsci argues that those in power not only rule by force, but also control culture, education, and institutions to impose their worldview as the "normal" (Gramsci, 1971). When these dominant groups are challenged, whether through immigration, social movements or political change, this often results in crises of national identity threatening to arise, as those in power attempt to maintain control by reinforcing exclusionary narratives.

The first example we will look at is France. France is one of the most glaring examples of a national identity crisis fueled by massive immigration and residents who are rather unhappy with this arrival of immigrants (in 2024, France issued 2.8 million visas compared to 2.4 million in 2023, an increase of 16.8%, not including illegal immigration (Public Life, 2025)). The country has long promoted a secular national identity, but the arrival of large immigrant populations from North Africa and the Middle East has created tensions. Many French people feel threatened in their national identity, which has led to a powerful rise of far-right parties in France who promise the French to restore "French Republican values" and give France back its national identity. The ban on religious symbols in schools on March 15, 2004, which specifically targeted the Muslim headscarf, illustrates how national identity is defined in opposition to minority communities. More recently, the 2021 debate over the ban on the abaya in schools highlights how the French state uses secularism as a means of enforcing cultural conformity (Bowen, 2010). From a Gramscian perspective, this is a form of cultural hegemony in that secularism is used as a tool to maintain a particular vision of French identity while “excluding” those who do not conform to it.

For this second example, we will take the case of Iran. Iran is experiencing a national identity crisis of a different kind. Historically, Iranian identity has always been deeply tied to its Persian heritage. However, following the 1979 revolution, after taking power, the Islamic Republic reshaped national identity around religious ideology, privileging Islam over various Iranian cultural traditions (Keddie, 2003).

Many Iranians reject this imposed identity, as evidenced by the protests that followed the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022, when the young woman was beaten to death for not wearing her headscarf. These protests were not only about the hijab law, but also a broader rejection of the Iranian version of the Islamic Republic (Shirazi, 2023). Many Iranians are fighting to regain their freedom and their country's identity because they do not identify with their current government. Gramsci's theory shows how the Iranian government has used religious ideology to establish its cultural hegemony. However, as resistance grows, the cracks in this hegemony become more visible. The state's attempt to maintain its control by "othering" secularists and ethnic minorities has only exacerbated the crisis. The government's control over national identity impacts Iranians in the sense that they do not recognize themselves in their government, resulting in them having no national identity to which to connect.

For this third example, we will focus on an event rather than a country itself. Brexit is an event that marked the separation of the United Kingdom from the European Union in 2020. Brexit was partly motivated by a crisis of national identity. Many British people felt that membership in the European Union had weakened British sovereignty and that immigration was changing British culture too profoundly (Goodwin & Heath, 2016). The "Leave" campaign used "othering" to reinforce a vision of British identity as "threatened" by foreigners. Immigration was presented as a major threat to British identity, with some political leaders reinforcing the narrative that the influx of foreigners was diluting British traditions and values. This has led to policies such as tightening immigration controls and reducing free movement, accentuating a form of nationalist exclusion that continues to shape British politics post-Brexit. The most recent change is the introduction of a £10 visa requirement for every entry into the country, which will be implemented in April to control movement within the country.

For this last example, I chose to present the case of Senegal. Senegal presents another example of a national identity crisis rooted in its colonial past. As a former French colony, Senegal's national identity was deeply influenced by French culture, language, and political structures. Even after independence in 1960, persistent economic and political ties with France, often referred to as Françafrique, led many Senegalese to question the sovereignty and true identity of their country (Cooper, 2002). The presence of French as the dominant language in education and administration, replacing Wolof, the most widely spoken local language, has created tensions, with many believing it marginalizes local languages ​​and traditions. The recent mobilization for greater recognition of Wolof and other local languages ​​reflects a desire to reclaim national identity in the face of colonial influence. Moreover, economic dependence on France has fueled frustration, with movements like the 2021 protests against French businesses such as the Auchan supermarket, where stores were devastated, highlighting a growing resistance to what is perceived as neocolonialism (Diop, 2021). From a Gramscian perspective, the French cultural and economic presence in Senegal represents a form of cultural hegemony, where colonial-era power structures continue to shape national identity. The desire to reclaim a more independent identity illustrates the need for nations to constantly renegotiate their identities, often in opposition to external influences that seek to maintain their control. Many African countries, particularly West African countries, are also seeking to detach themselves from the CFA franc currency. This need for economic detachment to regain national identity is not without danger because other countries, such as China, are using this crisis to impose themselves in the country, which does not benefit the local population at all. This phenomenon is also called "les nouvelles routes de la soie" (Troquier, 2023).

National identity crises can take many forms, each shaped by each country's unique historical, political, and social context. As this essay demonstrates, these crises can arise from tensions over immigration, as in France, where secularism is instrumentalized to define national belonging. They can also stem from ideological struggles, as in Iran, where religious governance clashes with cultural heritage. In some cases, they arise from sovereignty disputes, as in Brexit in the United Kingdom, where national identity was defined in opposition to European integration. Meanwhile, in Senegal, the lasting effects of colonialism continue to shape debates over language, economic independence, and cultural heritage. Edward Said's concept of "otherness" reveals how dominant groups reinforce their own identities by excluding certain populations, while Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony explains how elites maintain control by anchoring their worldviews in societal institutions and norms. These crises reveal the deep tensions within nations, demonstrating that national identity is neither fixed nor universally accepted.